Koinonia Peace & Justice

 

PEACE AND BROTHERHOOD

By The Rev. Clarence Jordan At the annual meeting of the Baptist Peace Fellowship Detroit, Mich., May 19, 1963

 

Koinonia Activists

Editor's note: No attempt has been made to update the language. Some of the language may seem archaic, but the drama of these lives and the energy of these ideas remain as relevant as the New Testament.

All of us are aware today that there are two great urges in the human breast. One is the deep longing for peace; and the other is the tremendous thirst for brotherhood. From every source we are told that peace is now absolutely imperative. And on the front pages of all the world's newspapers we read of man's struggle for brotherhood. It could be that in God's great wisdom these two ideas are occurring simultaneously on the world scene for a real reason, for I think they are deeply related to each other.

Man will not give up war until he finds some better idea with which to replace it. Most of us are convinced now that we must relinquish war, but we do not know what will take its place. War has been, to some extent, an answer for man's problems. He has found in it, however, crude and however unsatisfactory, at least some answer to his problems. But what was originally a rabbit which we had by the tail has now become a bear, and we can neither hold on to war nor can we relinquish it.

It could be that the struggle for brotherhood will give us some clue to the answer of the urge toward peace. For in the struggle for brotherhood, men have laid hold upon an idea to achieve this goal which has not been violent. It has been non-violent. So that the by-product of the racial struggle in the world today might turn out to be the chief contribution.

Now, non-violence is not a new idea. It's at least as old as Jesus' time for Josephus tells us in his history of the Jews that Caiaphas, the high priest at the time of Jesus, was an advocate of non-violence. Now at this time Judea was occupied by the military forces of Rome. Caiaphas, the high priest, still insisted that Judea was a theocracy, and that he was God's vicar on earth. Now when Pilate was sent to Judea to be governor, he could not find adequate accommodations for his crack cavalry troops. He searched everywhere and finally found that there was quite a good bit of room in the Jewish temple. He thought it would make a fine barracks for his soldiers, so he quartered them there.

Caiaphas heard about it and went to see the governor, and informed him that it would be necessary for him to remove his troops from the temple, largely due to the fact that the troops had on their shields images of their gods, and images in the temple were a desecration. Ruthless old Pilate reminded Caiaphas that it was he who was governor, and not the high priest. Then Caiaphus hit upon a rather interesting solution to his problem. There was no law against parading without a license in Judea, and there was no law against praying. So Caiaphus went out and got some of his very best ministerial students who had tremendous voices, and invited them to a prayer meeting just outside of Pilate's window. Now the Hebrews were not noted then for silent prayer, and they prayed for Pilate at the top of their voices, all at the same time, and not in unison. Well, they kept this prayer meeting up for a half hour, an hour, two hours, all day, and they didn't even adjourn it for night.

All night long this prayer meeting went on, with just a shift of priests, praying at the top of their voices for Pilate. Pilate didn't sleep any that night, and after three days of that prayer meeting, Pilate decided he would visit his good friend Herod up in Caesarea. When Pilate went up there, Caiaphas followed him on foot, and as he went he gathered some more fine loyal preachers to accompany him up to Caesarea for a renewal of the prayer pilgrimage. When they got up there, they surrounded Herod's palace and set up their prayer meeting again and prayed for several days, until Herod suggested that Pilate's welcome was getting rather thin, and would he please go back to Judea.

Pilate then summoned Caiaphas and told him that if he would get his people together and go down to the city hall that he would come there and address them. So they went down to the market place and while they were down there, Pilate gave the word to all of his crack troops to surround them. Pilate then went to the market place and said to them, "Now listen, I've got this place surrounded with my troops, and I want you-all to beat it on home, or I'm going to murder the last one of you." Caiaphas laid down on the pavement, and when he did, all the rest of them went limp and bared their throats and said, "It were better that we were dead than that the house of God be profaned." And when you've got 4,000 preachers, all unarmed, laying out there on the concrete with their necks bared, saying, "Go ahead and slit our throats," no Roman governor could trample that kind of Roman justice in the dust. So finally Pilate said, "Okay fellas, you-all have got me. Go on home, and I'll take my troops out."

Now, that was just one incident which Josephus relates. Caiaphas used it two other times to convince Pilate that non-violence was a rather powerful weapon.

Mr. Gandhi developed it even beyond the idea of a weapon. He developed it to the point of a way of life. Now the Negroes in the South today have laid hold upon it, and I do not think, by and large, the movement is characterized by a commitment to non-violence as a way of life. I think it is being used mainly very much like Caiaphas used it - as a tool to accomplish an objective.

However, it seems to me that as Christians, we must move on beyond the realm of non-violence, which is only a very important part of a higher objective. We at Koinonia have committed ourselves to non-violence, and we have had quite a good bit of experience in just the negative aspects of it. We have yet, I think, to move on into the deeper levels of it where it becomes a real redemptive force in the lives of the people.

Now I should like to relate some of the purely negative aspects of it in our life there, and then point to some of the deeper levels which I think will be opening to us in the future. When Koinonia was attacked through economic boycott and later physical violence, we did not know who the people were that were actually attacking us, and we never made too great an effort to find out. And it is difficult to overcome an evil person when you do not know him. We knew here and there who these people were, but by and large we could not pin it down. So for a number of years our position was that of just accepting violence without returning it. Now, however, I think that we are entering a stage where we will have increasing opportunities to deal creatively and directly with the opposition. I would compare it somewhat to the shaking of the Philippian jail. Now that the earthquake is beginning to subside a bit, people, both white and Negro in the South, are going to be asking in the words of the Philippian police chief, "What shall we do to be saved?" Already we are finding doors opening in the South that we thought would be closed for many years.

I do not think, however, that the major struggle of Koinonia (and this is true of Christians in general) will be in the realm of attaining brotherhood; it's going to be in this realm of attaining peace. Our biggest struggle is going to be not with the red-necked segregationists. For by and large they have fought their battle, and it is, perhaps, pretty largely over. But we are going to have a tremendous battle with the United States government. Those of us left at Koinonia are finding it increasingly difficult to render unto Caesar the things which Caesar is demanding. One of these is the matter of the draft. We find it well nigh impossible to give Caesar the power to take our lives and use them for the mass destruction of mankind. And secondly, we find it very difficult indeed to render unto Caesar tribute when Caesar will use a large portion of that tribute for the annihilation of mankind. What our answer to these will be I do not yet know. But I would say to anyone who embarks upon a course of refusing to give Caesar supreme loyalty, that he should be prepared for a rather radical change in his life. If we refuse to pay Caesar the taxes which he is using for military purposes, we must be prepared for a life of poverty. And if we refuse to give to Caesar our lives which are made in God's image and not in Caesar's, we must be prepared for a life of loneliness and perhaps imprisonment. But these may be small amounts to pay for a way of life which has in it the power to save the world at a very difficult and critical time.

Christianity as a Movement
(Clarence Jordan audio mp3 file)

Here is the Church
(Clarence Jordan speaking to a group about a peace walk
persecuted and jailed in south Georgia audio mp3 file)

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